Economic growth is measured by the rate of change in real output in a given time period, usually a year or a quarter. Whilst it is calculated as the sum of economic activity (as total output, expenditure or incomes), it is driven by two factors: changes in productivity and changes in employment.
In the short run, throwing more labour at a problem can increase growth but, in the long run, high employment levels/rates are only sustainable if workers increase their productivity through skills acquisition (training and experience) and innovation (in technology, product and process). Relative and absolute improvements in productivity are the holy grail of long-term economic performance and higher living standards. What is valued may change but efficiency and effectiveness of delivery of that value remains the essential economic(s) question.
This week, the ONS has released its latest productivity statistics for the parts of SW England in terms of Gross Value Added (GVA) per hour in 2011. Compared with the UK average, set as an index of 100.0, most areas of the region remained below average. At NUTs 2 level, Gloucestershire. Wiltshire, Bristol and Bath were at 101.0, Dorset and Somerset at 88.0, Devon at 86.7, and Cornwall and the Isles of Scilly at 72.6. The far edge of the peninsula is 28.4% less productive than the northern part of the region. This is a big, persistent gap.
It is normal for more rural areas to perform less well than urban areas on these productivity measures, for the obvious reason that (high value) economic activity and jobs tend to be concentrated in towns and cities. It is also normal for most SW areas to be below average because the UK average is pulled upwards by the economic domination of London and the South East.
Accordingly, it is more useful to compare urban and rural parts of SW England with similar areas and to look at their progress over time.
Looking by place, the table below shows productivity in SW England’s main areas. It reveals that the rural South West is relatively homogeneous. The central County Council areas of Devon, Dorset and Somerset are very similar and exhibit room for improvement compared with the “similars” in Wiltshire, Gloucestershire and Hampshire. In urban areas, Bournemouth and Poole is similar to Southampton but below Swindon and Bristol: again indicating some potential for future growth. ”Rest of WoE” is ‘middling’ whist Plymouth is a relative laggard and Torbay grossly so.
GVA per hour 2011
| Urban |
UK = 100
|
Rural |
UK = 100
|
| Bournemouth & Poole |
98.2
|
Dorset |
85.0
|
| Swindon |
113.9
|
Wiltshire |
96.5
|
| Plymouth
Torbay |
91.8
79.4
|
Devon
Cornwall & IoS |
86.2
72.6
|
| Bristol
rest of WoE |
105.2
102.2
|
Somerset
Gloucestershire |
85.6
94.3
|
| Southampton |
98.4
|
Hampshire |
109.7
|
Over recent times, SW urban areas have seen their relative productivity increase whereas SW rural areas have lost ground. In other words, during the downturn (Q2 2008 to date), the productivity gaps between rural and urban areas has increased. Bristol, Swindon and Bournemouth and Poole all had higher relative GVA per hour indexes in 2011 than before the 2008 recession. In contrast, Gloucestershire, Dorset, Devon, Somerset and Cornwall all had lower comparative statistics. The performance of Wiltshire, Plymouth, Torbay and Bath etc was relatively flat or mixed. If prolonged, this implies a widening of living standards across the region over time. It is clear to me that the ending of the RDA pipeline of programmes and projects and the slow start of the LEPs has exacerbated this macro trend.
The macro trend probably reflects the fact that the main areas of prolonged weakness in our economy have been in domestic consumption by households and the public sector. In share terms, these elements of spending are more important to rural areas. It also reflects the comparative weakness of business investment and net exports. In essence, the productivity gap between town and country has widened from the mid-2000s to 2011, undoing the previous closure of the gap.
There are several implications of this. To consider just three: first, economic activity is getting more concentrated over time; second, future growth will probably be lead by the conurbations; and third, the urban-rural split will encourage further local commuting. Importantly, rural areas may be relatively unproductive (workplace) but that does not mean they are relatively poor (residence), although the income ranges do tend to be wider and rural deprivation can be more hidden. Travel-to-work areas may continue to expand unless offset by stagnant real incomes, fuel inflation and greater cognisance of environmental disbenefits.
These productivity numbers are important and interesting figures. The question is whether anything can, or should, be done about them in terms of development intervention. At one level, such urban-rural differences in economic performance are natural and support the non-economic characteristics of SW England that we would wish to protect. At another level, development agents, such as the Local Enterprise Partnerships, need to consider whether it is their aim to close such productivity differentials over time by supporting “the worst”, even at the cost of some overall growth, or whether they are happy to widen the productivity gap further by supporting “the best” in a search for maximum growth.
Professor Nigel Jump, 12th April 2013